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About the Georgia Section's Affiliated Student Chapters
The Georgia State Chapter works to support many ASCE student chapters and clubs.  To join the younger professionals and activities of your school, contact the appropriate Practitioner Adviser below.

The Practitioner Adviser is an active State Chapter representative for the corresponding school and helps to support their ongoing activities and needs.

Southern Polytechnic State University; Patrick Lenton

Georgia Institute of Technology; Hari Karikaran & Jason Dunn

Georgia Southern University;

Mercer University; Richard Mines, Faculty Adviser
The Georgia State Chapter works to support many ASCE student chapters and clubs.  To join the younger professionals and activities of your school, contact the appropriate Practitioner Adviser below.

The Practitioner Adviser is an active State Chapter representative for the corresponding school and helps to support their ongoing activities and needs.

Southern Polytechnic State University; Patrick Lenton

Georgia Institute of Technology; Hari Karikaran & Jason Dunn

Georgia Southern University;

Mercer University; Richard Mines, Faculty Adviser
Links To Student Chapter Websites
Upcoming Events
 

Are Engineers Managers or Professionals?

What Is a Profession?

by Richard Barker,
professor at Cambridge University’s Judge Business School in England

Professions are made up of particular categories of people from whom we seek advice and services because they have knowledge and skills that we do not. A doctor, for example, can recommend a course of treatment for an illness; a lawyer can advise us on a course of legal action. We cannot make these judgments ourselves—and often we cannot judge the quality of the advice we receive. The Nobel laureate Kenneth Arrow wrote about the medical profession, “The value of information is frequently not known in any meaningful sense to the buyer; if, indeed, he knew enough to measure the value of information, he would know the information itself. But information, in the form of skilled care, is precisely what is being bought from most physicians, and, indeed, from most professionals.”

It is true, of course, that most nonprofessional providers of goods and services also have knowledge that we don’t. We cannot, for instance, manufacture a computer or operate a train service. Nevertheless, we can judge whether or not our demand has been met: We know what to expect from our computer, and we know if our train is delayed. The difference is that we might act on a lawyer’s advice and not know its quality, even after the case has been completed. Perhaps she gave us good advice but the case was lost, or vice versa. The outcome might have been more or less favorable had her advice been different. We are in no position to know, because the professional is the expert and we are not. There is an asymmetry of knowledge.

In some cases the knowledge asymmetry is relatively transient. A taxi driver in a foreign town provides us with a service, using his knowledge of the local geography. Once we arrive at our destination, however, we can ask a local whether the driver’s route was the most direct, and thus reduce the asymmetry. But who evaluates legal advice for us? Although we could ask another lawyer, he couldn’t offer a second opinion without being informed of the details of our case—which would amount to hiring two lawyers to do the work of one. Furthermore, the two lawyers might advise us differently, and we’d be unable to distinguish the better advice.

In practice, our lawyer herself implicitly assures us that we can rely on the legal advice she is giving. This relatively permanent knowledge asymmetry is the mark of the true profession; as consumers, we have no option but to trust the professionals with whom we transact. Nevertheless, we might be unwilling to transact at all without some guarantee that the services we receive meet a minimum quality threshold. That requires the existence of professional bodies, whose regulatory role enables consumers to trust their advisers, thereby making a market for professional services feasible.

For a professional body in any given field to function, a discrete body of knowledge for that field must be defined, and the field’s boundaries must be established: When, for example, is something a medical or legal issue, and when is it not? There must also be a reasonable consensus within the field as to what the knowledge should consist of: If physicians cannot agree on how the human body functions, or lawyers on the nature of a contract, no discrete body of knowledge can be said to exist. The boundaries and consensus for any profession will evolve over time, but at any given moment they can be defined—which is what enables formal training and certification. Certification signals competence to consumers who would benefit from it.

Professional bodies hold a trusted position. They have, in effect, a contract with society at large: They control membership in the professions through examination and certification, maintain the quality of certified members through ongoing training and the enforcement of ethical standards, and may exclude anyone who fails to meet those standards. Society is rewarded for its trust with a professional quality that it would otherwise be unable to ensure. This is the model for the legal and medical professions and others, including accounting, architecture, and engineering.

 

Are Engineers Managers or Professionals?

What Is a Profession?

by Richard Barker,
professor at Cambridge University’s Judge Business School in England

Professions are made up of particular categories of people from whom we seek advice and services because they have knowledge and skills that we do not. A doctor, for example, can recommend a course of treatment for an illness; a lawyer can advise us on a course of legal action. We cannot make these judgments ourselves—and often we cannot judge the quality of the advice we receive. The Nobel laureate Kenneth Arrow wrote about the medical profession, “The value of information is frequently not known in any meaningful sense to the buyer; if, indeed, he knew enough to measure the value of information, he would know the information itself. But information, in the form of skilled care, is precisely what is being bought from most physicians, and, indeed, from most professionals.”

It is true, of course, that most nonprofessional providers of goods and services also have knowledge that we don’t. We cannot, for instance, manufacture a computer or operate a train service. Nevertheless, we can judge whether or not our demand has been met: We know what to expect from our computer, and we know if our train is delayed. The difference is that we might act on a lawyer’s advice and not know its quality, even after the case has been completed. Perhaps she gave us good advice but the case was lost, or vice versa. The outcome might have been more or less favorable had her advice been different. We are in no position to know, because the professional is the expert and we are not. There is an asymmetry of knowledge.

In some cases the knowledge asymmetry is relatively transient. A taxi driver in a foreign town provides us with a service, using his knowledge of the local geography. Once we arrive at our destination, however, we can ask a local whether the driver’s route was the most direct, and thus reduce the asymmetry. But who evaluates legal advice for us? Although we could ask another lawyer, he couldn’t offer a second opinion without being informed of the details of our case—which would amount to hiring two lawyers to do the work of one. Furthermore, the two lawyers might advise us differently, and we’d be unable to distinguish the better advice.

In practice, our lawyer herself implicitly assures us that we can rely on the legal advice she is giving. This relatively permanent knowledge asymmetry is the mark of the true profession; as consumers, we have no option but to trust the professionals with whom we transact. Nevertheless, we might be unwilling to transact at all without some guarantee that the services we receive meet a minimum quality threshold. That requires the existence of professional bodies, whose regulatory role enables consumers to trust their advisers, thereby making a market for professional services feasible.

For a professional body in any given field to function, a discrete body of knowledge for that field must be defined, and the field’s boundaries must be established: When, for example, is something a medical or legal issue, and when is it not? There must also be a reasonable consensus within the field as to what the knowledge should consist of: If physicians cannot agree on how the human body functions, or lawyers on the nature of a contract, no discrete body of knowledge can be said to exist. The boundaries and consensus for any profession will evolve over time, but at any given moment they can be defined—which is what enables formal training and certification. Certification signals competence to consumers who would benefit from it.

Professional bodies hold a trusted position. They have, in effect, a contract with society at large: They control membership in the professions through examination and certification, maintain the quality of certified members through ongoing training and the enforcement of ethical standards, and may exclude anyone who fails to meet those standards. Society is rewarded for its trust with a professional quality that it would otherwise be unable to ensure. This is the model for the legal and medical professions and others, including accounting, architecture, and engineering.